|
|
 | | From: | Jackie Mulheron | | Subject: | McConnell's idea of meritocracy | | Date: | Fri, 21 Jan 2005 18:42:45 -0000 |
|
|
 | http://www.timesonline.co.uk/printFriendly/0,,1-1506-1442716,00.html
January 16, 2005
Focus: Friends, the one where Jack runs the country
Jack McConnell's links to Kirsty Wark may be under scrutiny, but she is not
the only one with a place in the sun in Labour's Scotland. Kenny Farquharson
and Jason Allardyce investigate
Jack McConnell spat petulant denials. He had seldom looked so frayed as when
he was bombarded with questions in the Holyrood chamber about his holiday
with Kirsty Wark, the broadcaster.
There was no need, he declared, to register his stay at Wark's Spanish villa
in the parliamentary register of interests as it did not amount to
"hospitality".
Amid growing incredulity - not least from those responsible for drafting the
rules governing registration - the first minister held firm. "What is being
questioned is my integrity," he said. On that, at least, everyone could
agree.
With his stubborn refusal to back down, McConnell has turned a voyeuristic,
silly-season story into a debate about his judgment and the way he runs his
executive. He has committed the cardinal political sin of upping the stakes.
Ironically, as leader of a party which ousted the Conservatives because of
their lack of commitment to openness and accountability, McConnell seems
determined to foster a reputation as a man who thinks he can flout the rules
and get away with it.
When it was announced that Sarah Davidson, once an adviser to former
Scottish secretary Helen Liddell, had landed a £75,000-a-year job enforcing
McConnell's smoking ban, resentment over the holiday saga boiled over. That
Davidson's new job was never advertised was bad enough. Worse still was that
she is the civil servant who presided over a £200m rise in the cost of
Holyrood before taking a six-month sabbatical to travel round the world.
The episode served to reinforce the perception that McConnell presides over
an arrogant administration that sets its own rules in a Scotland blighted
with nepotism and corruption, where you have to be an ally or a Labour crony
to advance.
"Politics is about perception and the way people in Scotland view this kind
of thing has changed," said James Mitchell, a professor of politics at
Strathclyde University.
"Jack and Kirsty and the rest of them are saying, 'What's the problem? We've
always done this'. The problem is they have not picked up the fact that
there is now a belief that this is unacceptable.
"Devolution isn't just about acts of parliament, it was sold as a different
kind of open and transparent politics."
By favouring cronies and party apparatchiks, McConnell gives sustenance to
the corrosive belief that Scotland is a country where personal patronage and
back-scratching are the currency of power.
The debating chambers and Labour clubs of Glasgow and Edinburgh universities
provided the twin hothouses for a previous generation of Scottish
politicians, including John Smith, Donald Dewar, Robin Cook and Gordon
Brown.
McConnell's clique was schooled in the intellectually less rigorous town
halls of west and central Scotland where they honed their streetfighting
skills. Those whom McConnell cultivates and promotes invariably have a
background in municipal government, public sector administration or trade
unionism.
On being elected first minister, he immediately turned to Mike Donnelly,
with whom he served on Stirling council in the 1980s, as his chief of staff.
From his Stirling days he also recruited Douglas Campbell, a former flatmate
who later worked for Ayrshire and Arran Health Board, as his official
spokesman. Fiona Wilson, a former reporter with the Stirling Observer
newspaper, became his chief press officer.
MSPs who have prospered under him include members of the notorious
"Lanarkshire mafia" such as Tom McCabe, the former leader of North
Lanarkshire council, and Andy Kerr, the East Kilbride MSP and a former
Glasgow city council official who enjoyed a meteoric rise after organising
McConnell's leadership bid.
Cathy Jamieson, a former social and community worker with Strathclyde
regional council, was catapulted into the key justice minister's post to
spearhead McConnell's crusade against antisocial behaviour.
There are undoubtedly those who achieve their status by merit. Yet the
dominance of those with Labour links in such positions inevitably leads to a
perception of cronyism.
All quango appointments require the approval of ministers and, in some
cases, the first minister. Prominent activists who have been rewarded with
taxpayers' money include Ken Collins, a former member of the European
parliament who now picks up a salary of £45,000 as chairman of the Scottish
Environment Protection Agency; Campbell Christie, the former Scottish Trades
Union Congress convenor, who earns £7,305 as a member of Forth Valley NHS
Board; Norman Murray, a former convenor of the Convention of Scottish Local
Authorities, who earns £7,305 as a board member of the Scottish Ambulance
Service; Harry McGuigan, a Lanarkshire councillor who earns £4,230 as a
member of the Scottish Children's Reporter Administration board; and the
former councillor Keith Geddes, who gets £9,000 a year from Scottish Natural
Heritage and £4,500 from the Accounts Commission for Scotland.
McConnell's friends in business have also enjoyed increasing influence under
his regime. William Haughey, who has donated hundreds of thousands of pounds
to the Labour party and attended a fundraising dinner in McConnell's
constituency, was appointed to the powerful but unsalaried post of chairman
of Scottish Enterprise Glasgow (SEG) last year. Kirsty Wark was given a
£9,000 contract from SEG, whose board includes her husband Alan Clements, to
chair a conference in October.
The annual bill for policy czars working for the executive and parliament,
which tops £1m, includes payments to some of McConnell's favoured acolytes.
Professor Alice Brown, the former vice-principal of Edinburgh University and
a long-time adviser on devolution, was appointed as ombudsman for all public
services. Eric Milligan, the Edinburgh Labour councillor, was appointed
Scotland's "welcome czar" to the tourism industry. He is not paid a salary
but receives expenses to travel the world looking for examples of how
Scotland can improve the way it treats visitors.
Last month, McConnell personally endorsed a new think tank, the Centre for
Confidence and Wellbeing. He even missed a parliamentary vote to speak at
its opening conference. The centre, which received £150,000 from the
executive, was founded by Carol Craig. She is author of The Scots' Crisis of
Confidence, whose foreword was written by Kirsty Wark.
What fuels cynicism about Scottish Labour politics is a perception that a
"jobs for the boys" culture permeates the system.
Several Labour candidates who lost election contests have since found
themselves in lucrative public sector posts. When the voters would not
oblige for people like Hugh Raven, a former parliamentary assistant to Peter
Peacock, the education minister, the public purse would provide. He came
fourth in Argyll and Bute at the last Holyrood election but was later
awarded a £23,415 contract as a board member of Scottish Natural Heritage.
A similar sum is being paid to Rita Miller, who lost Ayr to the Tories in
the 2000 by-election when the battle over section 28 humiliated the Scottish
executive. Her income has been boosted since last year as a member of
Ayrshire and Arran NHS Board. Pat Kelly, another failed candidate and former
trade unionist, was given an £85,000 deal for working part time on the
boards of Scottish Water and NHS 24.
In 2002 Labour was criticised after vacancies for a number of posts on a
powerful watchdog were not advertised in the proper way. Instead of being
publicised in newspapers, the executive sent out about 100 invitations to
voluntary organisations and Labour-dominated local authorities, requesting
applications.
Of 27 people who applied for the 12 jobs, 11 were Labour supporters. When
the recruitment process ended, half of the panel members were in the Labour
party. The executive has since agreed that all public appointments should be
overseen by an independent commissioner. Karen Carlton, formerly of the
Investors in People organisation, was confirmed in the job last May but has
so far failed to come up with a new system that could curb Labour influence.
Deirdre Hutton, the chair of the National Consumer Council and a former
member of the consultative steering group which drafted the Scottish
parliament's founding principles of openness and transparency, believes
McConnell's refusal to register his holiday at Wark's villa was a mistake.
"If you look at where public trust is diminished it is always where the
public believes things are being kept from them or concealed in some way,"
she said. "That is the history of government scandal and mistrust for
several decades. Given that, the Scottish parliament really needs to look to
its laurels in relation to its original principals of openness. It has to
make sure it doesn't just talk about them, but that it acts them out."
While some critics call for a tightening of the rules on what MSPs must
declare about their private lives, Mitchell believes public trust can be
preserved through a more conscientious application of the current system.
"Being open about these things might well be sufficient. People would just
say okay and move on," he said. "In Scotland you can't prevent people taking
up posts because they are friends or know ministers. The crucial thing is to
have openness and transparency."
To the dismay of Labour MPs as the general election approaches, "Villagate"
is likely to grab headlines for some time yet. Few observers believe
McConnell will be able to escape official parliamentary scrutiny of his
failure to declare the holiday. And when that happens the view of James
Dyer, the Scottish standards commissioner, on what constitutes "hospitality"
is unlikely to coincide with the first minister's.
SO HOW has McConnell allowed himself to get into this mess, with the
opposition now believing he is a key liability for Labour in the forthcoming
general election campaign? Not for nothing did the SNP unveil a new campaign
poster last week showing the first minister in his infamous pinstripe kilt
with the slogan: "Joke McConnell".
Even McConnell's colleagues are baffled by his apparent misjudgment of the
affair. The problems which led to the downfall of Henry McLeish as first
minister were partly due to his reluctance to distance himself from
questionable office arrangements made by his first wife, who died of cancer.
McConnell's troubles involve a family holiday organised by his daughter,
Hannah, at the home of close friends and, crucially, his wife Bridget.
Last week McConnell described Wark and Clements as "two of the most decent,
hard-working, honest and caring people whom I have ever known". Opposition
politicians say his attempt to claim some moral high ground by sticking up
for his friends just will not wash.
"This is nothing to do with friendships," says the Tory leader David
McLetchie. "No one has ever said who he can and cannot have as a friend.
What he should have done is registered the hospitality - that is what the
rules say."
Additional reporting: Melanie Legg
AND THE UNANIMOUS VERDICT IS. . . HE SHOULD HAVE REGISTERED
Mike Rumbles, the Lib Dem MSP and former convener of the Scottish parliament's
standards committee: "The rules are absolutely clear, they are crystal
clear - there is no doubt about them whatsoever. Every overseas trip must be
declared. The only exemption is if the whole amount was paid for by the MSP
or his or her spouse or partner, or if the parliament or the executive paid
for it all. Part of the job of an MSP is to abide by the rules. It's quite
clear these things must be registered."
John Curtice, a professor of politics at Strathclyde University: "The wise
thing to have done would have been to register it. He should have realised,
and Kirsty Wark should have realised, that they were going to be rumbled and
that the story would be pursued."
Sir David Steel, the former presiding officer of the Scottish parliament:
"It would have been wiser if he had said that everyone should know that they
were old friends. The fact is that she has been involved in [public sector]
contracts and therefore it would have been better to be more upfront about
it than he was."
Lord Fraser, the chairman of the Holyrood inquiry: "Had the first minister
asked me whether he would be wise to take this holiday, I would have advised
against it. Unsurprisingly, he did not seek my advice."
Canon Kenyon Wright, the former chairman of the Scottish parliament's
constitutional steering group: "There is no doubt that he should have
registered this. Strictly within the terms of the code of conduct that was
drawn up, he should have done. It shows a lapse of judgment."
Donald Finlay QC: "People are entitled to have, as friends, whoever they
wish but if you want to be first minister, then responsibilities come with
that. If you are going to keep contacts with people in that position then it
should be done very openly, publicly, and should always be registered."
Michael Matheson, the SNP culture spokesman: "McConnell should have been
more upfront from the start. The matter will get worse the longer he leaves
it. He should admit he made a mistake and show a bit of humility."
John Scott, the chairman of the Scottish Human Rights Centre: "He should
have registered it to avoid this embarrassment. He made a mistake - he
should have just admitted it. Embarrassment and the election coming up have
prevented him from acknowledging his mistake."
David McLetchie, the leader of the Scottish Conservative Party: "If Lord
Fraser is questioning whether the first minister's relationship with Kirsty
Wark affected his inquiry, is it any wonder the public is doing the same? It
is up to the first minister to explain why he ignored the rules on
disclosure and, if he fails to do so, the standards commissioner might
become involved."
Michael Fry, the author and historian: "People already perceive the media
and political communities to be hand in glove. Material rewards such as
holidays add to the feeling that there is an unhealthy relationship.
Relationships should not comprise of material rewards from either side."
Martin Bell, the former Independent MP for Tatton: "It would have been very
wise to register. I think he will survive but it has damaged him. We've seen
this in so many cases in Westminster. There has been a lack of common
sense."
|
|
| | From: | •Wee Jimmy• | | Subject: | Re: McConnell's idea of meritocracy | | Date: | Fri, 21 Jan 2005 20:05:49 GMT |
|
|
| The labour party are natzi theaving(sp?) liars.
> http://www.timesonline.co.uk/printFriendly/0,,1-1506-1442716,00.html
>
> January 16, 2005
>
> Focus: Friends, the one where Jack runs the country
>
> Jack McConnell's links to Kirsty Wark may be under scrutiny, but she is
not
> the only one with a place in the sun in Labour's Scotland. Kenny
Farquharson
> and Jason Allardyce investigate
>
> Jack McConnell spat petulant denials. He had seldom looked so frayed as
when
> he was bombarded with questions in the Holyrood chamber about his holiday
> with Kirsty Wark, the broadcaster.
>
> There was no need, he declared, to register his stay at Wark's Spanish
villa
> in the parliamentary register of interests as it did not amount to
> "hospitality".
>
> Amid growing incredulity - not least from those responsible for drafting
the
> rules governing registration - the first minister held firm. "What is
being
> questioned is my integrity," he said. On that, at least, everyone could
> agree.
>
> With his stubborn refusal to back down, McConnell has turned a
voyeuristic,
> silly-season story into a debate about his judgment and the way he runs
his
> executive. He has committed the cardinal political sin of upping the
stakes.
> Ironically, as leader of a party which ousted the Conservatives because of
> their lack of commitment to openness and accountability, McConnell seems
> determined to foster a reputation as a man who thinks he can flout the
rules
> and get away with it.
>
> When it was announced that Sarah Davidson, once an adviser to former
> Scottish secretary Helen Liddell, had landed a £75,000-a-year job
enforcing
> McConnell's smoking ban, resentment over the holiday saga boiled over.
That
> Davidson's new job was never advertised was bad enough. Worse still was
that
> she is the civil servant who presided over a £200m rise in the cost of
> Holyrood before taking a six-month sabbatical to travel round the world.
>
> The episode served to reinforce the perception that McConnell presides
over
> an arrogant administration that sets its own rules in a Scotland blighted
> with nepotism and corruption, where you have to be an ally or a Labour
crony
> to advance.
>
> "Politics is about perception and the way people in Scotland view this
kind
> of thing has changed," said James Mitchell, a professor of politics at
> Strathclyde University.
>
> "Jack and Kirsty and the rest of them are saying, 'What's the problem?
We've
> always done this'. The problem is they have not picked up the fact that
> there is now a belief that this is unacceptable.
>
> "Devolution isn't just about acts of parliament, it was sold as a
different
> kind of open and transparent politics."
>
> By favouring cronies and party apparatchiks, McConnell gives sustenance to
> the corrosive belief that Scotland is a country where personal patronage
and
> back-scratching are the currency of power.
>
> The debating chambers and Labour clubs of Glasgow and Edinburgh
universities
> provided the twin hothouses for a previous generation of Scottish
> politicians, including John Smith, Donald Dewar, Robin Cook and Gordon
> Brown.
>
> McConnell's clique was schooled in the intellectually less rigorous town
> halls of west and central Scotland where they honed their streetfighting
> skills. Those whom McConnell cultivates and promotes invariably have a
> background in municipal government, public sector administration or trade
> unionism.
>
> On being elected first minister, he immediately turned to Mike Donnelly,
> with whom he served on Stirling council in the 1980s, as his chief of
staff.
> From his Stirling days he also recruited Douglas Campbell, a former
flatmate
> who later worked for Ayrshire and Arran Health Board, as his official
> spokesman. Fiona Wilson, a former reporter with the Stirling Observer
> newspaper, became his chief press officer.
>
> MSPs who have prospered under him include members of the notorious
> "Lanarkshire mafia" such as Tom McCabe, the former leader of North
> Lanarkshire council, and Andy Kerr, the East Kilbride MSP and a former
> Glasgow city council official who enjoyed a meteoric rise after organising
> McConnell's leadership bid.
>
> Cathy Jamieson, a former social and community worker with Strathclyde
> regional council, was catapulted into the key justice minister's post to
> spearhead McConnell's crusade against antisocial behaviour.
>
> There are undoubtedly those who achieve their status by merit. Yet the
> dominance of those with Labour links in such positions inevitably leads to
a
> perception of cronyism.
>
> All quango appointments require the approval of ministers and, in some
> cases, the first minister. Prominent activists who have been rewarded with
> taxpayers' money include Ken Collins, a former member of the European
> parliament who now picks up a salary of £45,000 as chairman of the
Scottish
> Environment Protection Agency; Campbell Christie, the former Scottish
Trades
> Union Congress convenor, who earns £7,305 as a member of Forth Valley NHS
> Board; Norman Murray, a former convenor of the Convention of Scottish
Local
> Authorities, who earns £7,305 as a board member of the Scottish Ambulance
> Service; Harry McGuigan, a Lanarkshire councillor who earns £4,230 as a
> member of the Scottish Children's Reporter Administration board; and the
> former councillor Keith Geddes, who gets £9,000 a year from Scottish
Natural
> Heritage and £4,500 from the Accounts Commission for Scotland.
>
> McConnell's friends in business have also enjoyed increasing influence
under
> his regime. William Haughey, who has donated hundreds of thousands of
pounds
> to the Labour party and attended a fundraising dinner in McConnell's
> constituency, was appointed to the powerful but unsalaried post of
chairman
> of Scottish Enterprise Glasgow (SEG) last year. Kirsty Wark was given a
> £9,000 contract from SEG, whose board includes her husband Alan Clements,
to
> chair a conference in October.
>
> The annual bill for policy czars working for the executive and parliament,
> which tops £1m, includes payments to some of McConnell's favoured
acolytes.
>
> Professor Alice Brown, the former vice-principal of Edinburgh University
and
> a long-time adviser on devolution, was appointed as ombudsman for all
public
> services. Eric Milligan, the Edinburgh Labour councillor, was appointed
> Scotland's "welcome czar" to the tourism industry. He is not paid a salary
> but receives expenses to travel the world looking for examples of how
> Scotland can improve the way it treats visitors.
>
> Last month, McConnell personally endorsed a new think tank, the Centre for
> Confidence and Wellbeing. He even missed a parliamentary vote to speak at
> its opening conference. The centre, which received £150,000 from the
> executive, was founded by Carol Craig. She is author of The Scots' Crisis
of
> Confidence, whose foreword was written by Kirsty Wark.
>
> What fuels cynicism about Scottish Labour politics is a perception that a
> "jobs for the boys" culture permeates the system.
>
> Several Labour candidates who lost election contests have since found
> themselves in lucrative public sector posts. When the voters would not
> oblige for people like Hugh Raven, a former parliamentary assistant to
Peter
> Peacock, the education minister, the public purse would provide. He came
> fourth in Argyll and Bute at the last Holyrood election but was later
> awarded a £23,415 contract as a board member of Scottish Natural Heritage.
>
> A similar sum is being paid to Rita Miller, who lost Ayr to the Tories in
> the 2000 by-election when the battle over section 28 humiliated the
Scottish
> executive. Her income has been boosted since last year as a member of
> Ayrshire and Arran NHS Board. Pat Kelly, another failed candidate and
former
> trade unionist, was given an £85,000 deal for working part time on the
> boards of Scottish Water and NHS 24.
>
> In 2002 Labour was criticised after vacancies for a number of posts on a
> powerful watchdog were not advertised in the proper way. Instead of being
> publicised in newspapers, the executive sent out about 100 invitations to
> voluntary organisations and Labour-dominated local authorities, requesting
> applications.
>
> Of 27 people who applied for the 12 jobs, 11 were Labour supporters. When
> the recruitment process ended, half of the panel members were in the
Labour
> party. The executive has since agreed that all public appointments should
be
> overseen by an independent commissioner. Karen Carlton, formerly of the
> Investors in People organisation, was confirmed in the job last May but
has
> so far failed to come up with a new system that could curb Labour
influence.
>
> Deirdre Hutton, the chair of the National Consumer Council and a former
> member of the consultative steering group which drafted the Scottish
> parliament's founding principles of openness and transparency, believes
> McConnell's refusal to register his holiday at Wark's villa was a mistake.
>
> "If you look at where public trust is diminished it is always where the
> public believes things are being kept from them or concealed in some way,"
> she said. "That is the history of government scandal and mistrust for
> several decades. Given that, the Scottish parliament really needs to look
to
> its laurels in relation to its original principals of openness. It has to
> make sure it doesn't just talk about them, but that it acts them out."
>
> While some critics call for a tightening of the rules on what MSPs must
> declare about their private lives, Mitchell believes public trust can be
> preserved through a more conscientious application of the current system.
>
> "Being open about these things might well be sufficient. People would just
> say okay and move on," he said. "In Scotland you can't prevent people
taking
> up posts because they are friends or know ministers. The crucial thing is
to
> have openness and transparency."
>
> To the dismay of Labour MPs as the general election approaches,
"Villagate"
> is likely to grab headlines for some time yet. Few observers believe
> McConnell will be able to escape official parliamentary scrutiny of his
> failure to declare the holiday. And when that happens the view of James
> Dyer, the Scottish standards commissioner, on what constitutes
"hospitality"
> is unlikely to coincide with the first minister's.
>
>
>
> SO HOW has McConnell allowed himself to get into this mess, with the
> opposition now believing he is a key liability for Labour in the
forthcoming
> general election campaign? Not for nothing did the SNP unveil a new
campaign
> poster last week showing the first minister in his infamous pinstripe kilt
> with the slogan: "Joke McConnell".
>
> Even McConnell's colleagues are baffled by his apparent misjudgment of the
> affair. The problems which led to the downfall of Henry McLeish as first
> minister were partly due to his reluctance to distance himself from
> questionable office arrangements made by his first wife, who died of
cancer.
> McConnell's troubles involve a family holiday organised by his daughter,
> Hannah, at the home of close friends and, crucially, his wife Bridget.
>
> Last week McConnell described Wark and Clements as "two of the most
decent,
> hard-working, honest and caring people whom I have ever known". Opposition
> politicians say his attempt to claim some moral high ground by sticking up
> for his friends just will not wash.
>
> "This is nothing to do with friendships," says the Tory leader David
> McLetchie. "No one has ever said who he can and cannot have as a friend.
> What he should have done is registered the hospitality - that is what the
> rules say."
>
>
> Additional reporting: Melanie Legg
>
> AND THE UNANIMOUS VERDICT IS. . . HE SHOULD HAVE REGISTERED
>
> Mike Rumbles, the Lib Dem MSP and former convener of the Scottish
parliament's
> standards committee: "The rules are absolutely clear, they are crystal
> clear - there is no doubt about them whatsoever. Every overseas trip must
be
> declared. The only exemption is if the whole amount was paid for by the
MSP
> or his or her spouse or partner, or if the parliament or the executive
paid
> for it all. Part of the job of an MSP is to abide by the rules. It's quite
> clear these things must be registered."
>
> John Curtice, a professor of politics at Strathclyde University: "The wise
> thing to have done would have been to register it. He should have
realised,
> and Kirsty Wark should have realised, that they were going to be rumbled
and
> that the story would be pursued."
>
> Sir David Steel, the former presiding officer of the Scottish parliament:
> "It would have been wiser if he had said that everyone should know that
they
> were old friends. The fact is that she has been involved in [public
sector]
> contracts and therefore it would have been better to be more upfront about
> it than he was."
>
> Lord Fraser, the chairman of the Holyrood inquiry: "Had the first minister
> asked me whether he would be wise to take this holiday, I would have
advised
> against it. Unsurprisingly, he did not seek my advice."
>
> Canon Kenyon Wright, the former chairman of the Scottish parliament's
> constitutional steering group: "There is no doubt that he should have
> registered this. Strictly within the terms of the code of conduct that was
> drawn up, he should have done. It shows a lapse of judgment."
>
> Donald Finlay QC: "People are entitled to have, as friends, whoever they
> wish but if you want to be first minister, then responsibilities come with
> that. If you are going to keep contacts with people in that position then
it
> should be done very openly, publicly, and should always be registered."
>
> Michael Matheson, the SNP culture spokesman: "McConnell should have been
> more upfront from the start. The matter will get worse the longer he
leaves
> it. He should admit he made a mistake and show a bit of humility."
>
> John Scott, the chairman of the Scottish Human Rights Centre: "He should
> have registered it to avoid this embarrassment. He made a mistake - he
> should have just admitted it. Embarrassment and the election coming up
have
> prevented him from acknowledging his mistake."
>
> David McLetchie, the leader of the Scottish Conservative Party: "If Lord
> Fraser is questioning whether the first minister's relationship with
Kirsty
> Wark affected his inquiry, is it any wonder the public is doing the same?
It
> is up to the first minister to explain why he ignored the rules on
> disclosure and, if he fails to do so, the standards commissioner might
> become involved."
>
> Michael Fry, the author and historian: "People already perceive the media
> and political communities to be hand in glove. Material rewards such as
> holidays add to the feeling that there is an unhealthy relationship.
> Relationships should not comprise of material rewards from either side."
>
> Martin Bell, the former Independent MP for Tatton: "It would have been
very
> wise to register. I think he will survive but it has damaged him. We've
seen
> this in so many cases in Westminster. There has been a lack of common
> sense."
>
>
>
>
>
|
|
|
